Religions and the Environment:
Commitment High Until U.S. Population Issues Raised by Roy
Beck from: The Social Contract Winter 1992-93
The author Roy Beck quotes Father Richard J. Ryscavage: "We are in
the middle of a huge wave of immigration ... and most of them are
Catholics," . . "It's the key to our future and the key to why the [Roman] Church is going to be very healthy
in the 21st century." And also reveals: “. . . No religious group wields
more power on behalf of high immigration to the U.S. than the Catholic
Church." The author goes on to report on the positions of all major
religious groups relative to population and immigration issues.
Washington Editor Roy Beck has had considerable experience in tracking
the efforts of religious groups to influence social policy. From 1980 to 1987,
he reported on religion and politics as associate editor and international
traveling correspondent for the national United Methodist Reporter newspaper
and the interdenominational National Christian Reporter. His efforts -- such as
breaking the refugee ‘sanctuary’ story in the U.S., and investigations of the
Religious Right and the National Council of Churches -- won national ecumenical
press honors and the United Methodist Church’s first ‘Communicator of the Year’
award. His book, On Thin Ice, (Bristol, 1988), explored the difficulties of the
Religious Right and Religious Left in maintaining intellectual integrity while
engaged in collective religious social action during the 1980s. He currently is
completing a Handbook on Churches’ Washington Advocacy Offices to be published
this spring.
Religions
and the Environment:
Commitment
High Until U.S. Population Issues Raised
by
Roy Beck
The Earth is the Lord’s, and people of faith must ensure that it is
properly cared for -- including curbing humankind’s overpopulating ways,
according to a powerful consensus that has emerged among America’s religious
leaders.
Officials from virtually every major faith and denomination in the
country have been proclaiming in high-profile ways that protection and
restoration of the natural environment is a top-priority spiritual mandate.
Especially visible the last two years has been the new Joint Appeal By Religion
And Science For The Environment (see boxes on pages 77 and 85). It has issued major statements that
include population concerns and even the signatures of Catholic and Baptist
representatives.
But an informal survey by The Social
Contract discovered that despite the proclamations, the protection
of natural resources within U.S. boundaries is not a top-priority action within
religious leadership circles.
While sampling policies within the seven major U.S. religious groupings
(see chart on page 79), The Social Contract failed
to find a single denomination willing to preserve American eco-systems if it
means tackling U.S. population growth.
True, large numbers of religious organizations and offices with paid
staff have arisen to take some very specific actions that go far beyond merely
avoiding styrofoam cups at church coffee hours. The rising tide of green
religious groups forcefully advocates reducing per capita impact through the
kinds of strict regulations and consumption cuts necessary if any industrial
nation is to achieve sustainable, high environmental quality.
However, while many churches acknowledge population growth as a critical
factor in the world’s environment, few churches even have statements that
specifically note population as a factor in the welfare of the United States.
Religious green leaders concentrate on reducing per capita impact while
standing mute as the number of U.S. “capitas” soars. One begins to wonder if
the strategy is to stop world population growth and world environmental
degradation without any individual countries having to take action within their
own borders.
RELIGIOUS
GREENS UNFAZED BY 383 MILLION IN U.S.
Religious greens appear quite willing -- whether unwittingly or
intentionally -- to allow the number of people impacting the U.S. environment
to rise another 128 million to 383 million by 2050.
In fact, many of the religious offices -- especially of the mainline
Protestants, the historic peace churches, Jews, and Roman Catholics -- have
active ly contributed to the fast-rising population through unswerving support
of renewed mass immigration. Federal immigration policies will be responsible
for almost all of the next 128 million people. (U.S. population would have
peaked at 243 million in 2035 if not for post-1970 immigrants and their
descendants, according to The Social
Contract study prepared a year ago by demographer Leon Bouvier.
Instead, immigration already has driven U.S. population to 255 million today and threatens to push it
to 383 million by 2050, with no end in sight.)
Like the churches, few environmental groups have aggressively sought to
limit U.S. population growth in recent years. But their actions have tended
toward neutrality. Many church groups, though, aggressively promote rapid population growth, some
doing so despite having U.S. population stability as an official goal. Through
congressional testimony, teaching resources and media statements, faith groups
consistently have supported higher immigration and refugee admissions while
opposing most proposals to stop illegal immigration.
SURVEYING
THE SEVEN RELIGIONS OF AMERICA
Even in today’s increasingly secularized American society, religious
thought and conviction remain an important part of most political equations.
Gallup polls have found that more than 90 percent of Americans consider
themselves religious in some way. More than 60 percent of Americans routinely
participate in religious events; and on any given weekend, 40 percent of
Americans can be found at a religious service, according to Gallup polling.
Americans are by far the most outwardly religious people of any industrialized
nation.
The seven major religious groupings listed on the chart account for at
least 157 million Americans. Most major public policy decisions ultimately are
supported or rejected by the citizenry based on their perceptions not only of
self-interest but of morality -- a morality presumably guided in part by
religious institutions.
To gain a solid indication of the attitudes and actions of American
religious leaders about population and immigration issues that affect the
environment, one or two of the most representative denominations were surveyed
from each of the seven groupings.
The following section contains excerpts from documents and interviews
within each of the groupings.
Orthodox (Christian)
“Probably we would side with that thinking that says we don’t want to
talk about curtailing any part of the population in any way because it is
contrary to our theology,” said Father Milton Efthimiou, head of the Greek
Orthodox social issues department in New York City.
Although he signed the most recent Joint Appeal By Religion and Science
For The Environment statement, which expressed concerns about population,
Efthimiou said: “We (Greek Orthodox) really have not come out on the issue of
population. Curtailing population is not the answer to hunger and other
problems.”
He noted that the top leader of worldwide Orthodoxy issued an
encyclical on ecology and the need to respect the environment. It did not have
a population element, he said.
The Greek Orthodox Church is the largest of two dozen Orthodox
denominations in this country, containing nearly half the U.S. Orthodox
members. The 4.5 million U.S.
Orthodox Christians retain heavy ethnic identities with their Eastern European
and Middle East immigrant backgrounds, but Efthimiou said his denomination has
no official stance on immigration and does not lobby for admissions.
“We leave immigration issues up to the government. It is not an
ethical, ecclesiological issue as far as we are concerned,” he said.
“We don’t
particularly worry about population. We believe it is in God’s
hands. If the population gets too big for the world to bear, the natural order
will take care of it through famine, disease, etc.”
Islam
As with the Orthodox, population and immigration (and to some extent
environmental) issues just aren’t part of the U.S. Islamic agenda.
On the international level, however, Islamic leadership has begun to
give serious consideration to population questions, particularly within
countries where Muslims dominate. The Aceh Declaration was signed in February
1990 in Aceh, Indonesia by representatives of 24 Muslim nations and nine
“ulamas of Islam.” Rather than treating overpopulation as a global problem that
must be solved by some ill-defined international community with questionable
power, the Aceh Declaration seeks solutions by individual countries where
governments already have the power to act. It urges all Muslim countries “to
formulate population policies,” something the United States has yet to do. It
also urges the eradication of illiteracy among women and the provision of
accessible family planning, including safe contraceptives.
In a statement that may have relevance to the morality of Americans
moving to protect their own eco-systems, the Muslim leaders recognized “the
sovereign right of each country to establish in the context of Islam its own
population policies and programs responding to country-specific needs while
mindful that national action or inaction in population may have effects that
extend beyond national boundaries.”
The final declaration of the Aceh document:
▪ “emphasizes
the responsibilities towards future generations, in particular in the field of
population, where the decisions and actions of one generation
▪ influences
to a significant degree the quality of life of future generations.”
▪ “acknowledges
that population, resources and the environment are inextricably linked and
stresses our commitment to bringing about a balanced and sustainable
relationship among them.”
▪ “expresses
concern that while some Muslim countries may afford to increase their
population, for most countries, rapid population growth, unplanned migration
and urbanization, increasing degradation of the environment threaten the
process of their development and the welfare of their people.”
But these remarkable declarations have not been adopted by the U.S.
Islamic community as a guideline for public policy in this country.
“We have a term that means “only God knows,” said Fareed Nu-man from
the Washington, DC headquarters of the American Muslim Council. “We don’t
particularly worry about population. We believe it is in God’s hands. If the
population gets too big for the world to bear, the natural order will take care
of it through famine, disease, etc.”
In terms of individual behavior that affects population size, Nu-Man
said Islamic teaching encourages American men to avoid having children if they
can’t care for them, but also that they shouldn’t put their career ahead of
family. Nu-Man said U.S. Muslims disagree among themselves about the
appropriateness of contraceptives: “I believe it is necessary in some
instances. If I have a very fertile wife and she is pregnant every year, that
can be very harmful to her body.”
The estimated 5 million
U.S. Muslims attend more than 800 mosques, many of which are affiliated either
with the National Islamic Conference or the Islamic Society of North America
(ISNA) which have annual conventions that approve resolutions on social issues.
“I’ve not heard anybody raise population issues at these conventions,” said
Abdallah Cheikh from the ISNA headquarters in Indianapolis.
Contrary to what might first be perceived, Islam is not as much an
immigrant-based religion as Christian Orthodoxy. Some 42 percent of the 5 million U.S. Muslims are American
blacks, most with long histories in this country. The next largest group is
South Asians (24 percent), followed by Arabs (12 percent) and Africans (5
percent), according to a study by the American Muslim Council.
Cheikh said he is unaware of any official stance on immigration or
population: “These are important issues, but they aren’t priorities. There are
more important things.”
Mormon
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormon) does not
support population-control proposals.
“We feel those who propose such curbs would be wiser to devote their
energies to strengthening home life and proven codes of moral conduct in order
to disperse the clouds of uncertainty hanging so gloomily over the world,” said
Don LeFevre, spokesman for the church from the Salt Lake City headquarters.
Birth control is a matter for couples to decide under “inspiration from
the Lord,” and they are neither encouraged nor discouraged from having large
families if they can afford them, LeFevre said.
Like the Muslims and Orthodox, the 4.3 million Mormons are not
represented in Washington by leaders calling for particular immigration policies.
But the Mormon approach is less neutral than those other two groups and is
somewhat at odds with the assertion of immigration-advocacy religions which
encourage immigration to this country as a right of economic justice.
“The church encourages its members to remain in their native lands to
build up and strengthen the church there,” LeFevre said. “Early in our church
history, converts abroad were encouraged to come here and build up the
church here. But no longer.”
If Mormons in other countries decide to move to the United States,
“they must follow legal procedures and obtain immigrant visas,” LeFevre said.
“Individual members of the church in the U.S. likely act as sponsors of
immigrants on occasion, but they do so at their own volition, rather than at
the encouragement of the church. There is a difference between immigrants and
refugees. The church has, on occasion, participated in the relocation of
refugees.”
“Our general feeling is that as
long as they are not suffering too much, [Assemblies of God members] should
stay and witness where they live.”
Baptist/Evangelical/Fundamentalist/Pentecostal
Few of the scores of denominations within this religious grouping have
spoken out on population, immigration, or even the environment.
That is not particularly surprising; this second-largest bloc of
religious Americans traditionally has included the least politically active of
Americans. During much of U.S. history, significant portions of this group have
questioned whether politics was too worldly to even bother with. That began to
change among many black members during the Civil Rights movement and among
larger numbers with the rise of the Religious Right during the 1970s.
Consisting of at least 46 million Christians, this religious grouping
is the most ethnically diverse of all religious groups, including most of the
historically black churches, fast-growing evangelical Asian congregations, and
large numbers of immigrants from the booming Latin American Pentecostal
movement. The range of theology among these Christians is fairly broad, but
they generally subscribe to what most Americans would consider conservative
theologies that emphasize conversion and personal experience with God.
Evangelism, not social action, tends to be the top priority throughout
these churches.
Such is the case for the rapidly-growing Assemblies of God, the second
largest and most institutionalized of the Pentecostal denominations. “I don’t
believe we’ve ever made a statement on population or immigration,” said the
Rev. Joseph Flower, the church’s general secretary, from the Springfield, Mo.,
headquarters.
But church leaders do have advice for Pentecostals around the world who
express an
interest in immigrating to the United States. Even though most come
from economically poor groups in underdeveloped nations, the brother and sister
Pentecostals are asked to bloom where they’ve been planted: “We encourage them
to stay and be witnesses where they are,” Flower said.
The Pentecostal/Evangelical denominations, along with the Roman Catholic
Church, stand to benefit the most from immigration through new members. When
that was mentioned to Flower as a reason why the Assemblies of God might also
get involved in encouraging more open immigration rules, he replied, “We
wouldn’t consider that a worthy motive.”
“Our general feeling is that as long as they are not suffering too
much, they should stay and witness where they live. For example, we’ve had
quite a few Russian immigrants in recent years before the changeover. We helped
them because some were really political refugees. But we didn’t encourage them.
They can witness to Russians much better than missionaries can.”
The Southern Baptist Convention is the most likely of all denominations
in this religious grouping to speak out on social issues. With more than 15
million members, it is the giant larger than any other single American faith
group except the Roman Catholic Church. Like the Catholics and liberal
Protestants, Southern Baptists have their own political advocacy office in
Washington DC.
Many members are not yet convinced that environmentalism isn’t an
anti-Christian philosophy since it includes so much idolatry in worshiping the
creation instead of the Creator, explained Jim Smith, head of the Washington
office. The denomination’s social action agency has sponsored major activities
and educational materials the last two years to help Southern Baptists embrace
a God-centered ethic of stewardship for natural resources that avoids what many
feel to be New Age theological underpinnings in popular environmentalism.
“As a denomination, we are still ambivalent about the specter of
overpopulation, and there are many in the denomination who consider that to be
a myth,” said Ben Mitchell, ethicist in the social action agency office in
Nashville. “We are not in any way opposed to methods of birth control that
don’t include abortifacients.”
But Smith added that the membership is divided on family planning
issues: “There are those who would be very sympathetic to environmental and
population goals. Probably overall, though, most Southern Baptists would not
feel that population is a crucial issue in the environmental framework. Our
office gets criticism from members when we talk at all about family planning.
They think it is anti-biblical.”
Southern Baptists have no immigration policies and do not promote U.S.
population growth by lobbying for high immigration.
Judaism
The religious Action Center of Reform Judaism recently helped found the
‘Joint Appeal By Religion and Science For The Environment’ organization to
coalesce a greater body of religious leaders behind environmental and
population issues.
“The Jewish community has a many-thousand-year-old religious concern
for protecting God’s creation, so for us this is a religious obligation,” said
Rabbi David Saperstein, director of the Washington, D.C. center which
represents approximately 850 Reform congregations with about 1.5 million members.
A spokeswoman at the center said America’s Reform Jews have had
official stances since 1965 about
the world’s exploding population and the goodness and importance of birth
control and family planning.
But when asked if members support U.S. population stabilization if it
means limiting immigration, she answered, “My general sense is that we feel the
United States has a special responsibility for persecuted people and to open
its arms.”
Some 4 million of the 6 million ethnic Jews in the United States are
affiliated with a synagogue. Like so many of the Orthodox Christians, Muslims
and Catholics, they are tied to recent personal immigration histories and
ethnic heritages. Because of Jewish refugee experiences for centuries
(especially the Nazi era), refugee issues ring with a special resonance within
Judaism and its “do not mistreat the alien, for you were once an alien” scriptural
foundation. The ethnic experience remains fresh; although Jews account for less
than 3 percent of the U.S. population, between a quarter and a third of all
refugees settled in this country in recent years have been Jewish.
“On a worldwide scale, it is not clear that immigration hurts the
environment,” wrote Gary E. Rubin of the American Jewish Committee in a major
paper about the ethics of immigration in 1991. He dismissed concerns about a
single nation’s population effect on specific eco-systems contained in specific
estuaries, wetlands and forests in specific countries by saying: “More
basically, environmental concerns are by their nature international; they
cannot be addressed within the immigration or any other policy of one nation.
Pollution, natural resource use and human migration all cross international
borders.”
“We are in the middle of a huge
wave of immigration...and most of them are Catholics. It’s
the key to our future and the key to why the [Roman] Church is going to be very
healthy in the 21st century.”
Roman Catholic
No religious group wields more power on behalf of high immigration to
the U.S. than the Catholic Church. Thanks to the 1880-1914 and 1970-present
Great Waves of immigration consisting primarily of Catholics, the church towers
over all other American religious groups. Its 59 million members give it
immense financial, institutional and political clout, even though polls suggest
the majority of its members probably don’t agree with its pro-immigration
stances. (See page 98ff for an in depth look at Catholic thought.)
At times, it can seem as though the church is engaged in population
competition. In a recent news story, Father Richard J. Ryscavage noted that
immigration is the “growing edge of Catholicism in the United States.” He is
executive director of the Migration and Refugee Services of the U.S. Catholic
Conference which resettles about 40 percent of all refugees into this country
each year.
“We are in the middle of a huge wave of immigration ... and most of
them are Catholics,” Ryscavage said. “It’s the key to our future and the key to
why the Church is going to be very healthy in the 21st century.”
There also are recurring signs that Catholic agencies aid illegal
aliens in various communities. A notable example was the production in 1989 by
the Archdiocese of New York of a “survival book” that offered tips to illegal
Irish aliens on how to avoid federal immigration agents. In Southern
California, many Catholic clergy are outspoken expounders about the immorality
of laws that limit Latin Americans from crossing the U.S. border and taking up
residence.
Nonetheless, the church is not as pro-population growth as critics
sometimes paint it to be. The U.S. Catholic bishops took a significant step
toward elevating a theology of environmental stewardship with a paper in
November 1991. “Even though it is possible to feed a growing population, the
ecological costs of doing so ought to be taken into account.
Our mistreatment of the natural world diminishes our own dignity and
sacredness, not only because we are destroying resources that future
generations of humans need, but because we are engaging in actions that
contradict what it means to be human,” the bishops said.
The bishops quoted Pope Paul VI: “It is true that too frequently an
accelerated demographic increase adds its own difficulties to the problems of
development: the size of population increases more rapidly than the available
resources.” And Pope John Paul II: “One cannot deny the existence, especially
in the Southern Hemisphere, of a demographic problem which creates difficulties
for development.”
The bishops spoke glowingly of education, good nutrition, and health
care for women and children that “promise to improve family welfare and
contribute to stabilizing population.”
However, they did not back away from the church’s traditional teaching
against the use of artificial birth control and abortion to control population
growth. Nor did they specifically acknowledge that each nation has a right or
obligation to stabilize its own population.
Particularly encouraging was the bishops’
statement that environmental responsibility included not only practical
measures such as safeguarding endangered species and the ability of the land to
feed a hungry world, but more aesthetic measures such as “to preserve remaining
wilderness” and “to maintain landscapes in integrity.”
“The assumption that couples have
the freedom to have as many children as they can support should be
challenged... Given the population crisis we must...teach that man has an
obligation to limit the size of his family.”
Liberal Protestant
“Population policy is an integral aspect of social reform. (We urge)
Congress to establish a national policy of stabilizing population size...,” the
Presbyterian General Assembly declared in 1972.
The policy is illustrative of the long history of leadership on
population issues from the leaders of 34 million Christians in this large
Protestant grouping. The preponderance of religious leadership on environment,
population and immigration has come from the two dozen denominations in this
grouping.
Most are known as mainline or oldline Protestants. They are least
representative of America’s mass immigration history. The ancestors of most of
them immigrated somewhat gradually over a period of two and a half centuries.
Mainline Protestants include most descendants of the Protestant Americans who
created and totally dominated the society before mass immigration began in
1880.
This group often is referred to as “liberal Protestant” because the
leadership of national agencies is forcefully liberal on social issues and its
clergy tend toward more liberal theology. But polls find that the membership of
the mainline Protestant denominations has continued to form the backbone of the
Republican Party.
Also part of the liberal Protestant grouping are some half-million
members of the so-called peace churches: Quakers, Brethren and Mennonites.
Though small in number, they are like Jewish Americans in having a
disproportionate impact on public policy discussion because of highly organized
advocacy groups. The little peace churches have as many staff in Capitol Hill
lobbying offices as the total of Washington staffs representing the 46-million
Baptist/Evangelical/Pentecostal group of Americans.
The office for Quakers says they are “looking for a global community in
which all people can choose freely where they wish to live and work... The
long-range ideal is open borders.”
In the short-term, the Quaker office says, there is a need for
increasing immigration, admitting all refugees seeking asylum, and an end to
deportations and employer sanctions.
As with their pacifism activities, the peace churches tend to occupy
the far end of the political spectrum on many issues. But they function as
something of a conscience for mainline Protestant leaders who struggle between
personal idealism and the conservatism of their constituencies.
Mainline Protestant leaders’ advocacy for the environment and
immigration reaches toward idealism on both but fails to reconcile where the
two conflict. The Presbyterian Church may be the most striking example of this.
No other denomination appears to have been as eloquent and bold in
pointing out the need for population stabilization as the Presbyterians:
▪ “[The
Presbyterian Church} urges all agencies concerned with international
cooperation, including the government of the United States, to be ready to
assist countries who request help in the development of programs of voluntary
planned parenthood as a practical and humane means of controlling fertility and
population growth,” the General Assembly stated in 1965.
▪ By
1971, it recognized the uncomfortable reality that reliance on private,
voluntary decisions “will not be sufficient to provide the necessary limitation
of population growth unless there is a radical and rapid change in the
attitudes and desires. The church must commit itself to effecting this change.
The assumption that couples have the freedom to have as many children as they
can support should be challenged. We can no longer justify bringing into
existence as many children as we desire. Our corporate responsibility to each
other prohibits this. Given the population crisis we must recognize and teach,
beginning with ourselves, that man has an obligation to limit the size of his
family.”
▪ In
1972, Presbyterians called on the civil community “to take such actions as will
stabilize population size... We who are motivated by the urgency of
over-population rather than the prospect of decimation would preserve the
species by responding in faith: Do not multiply -- the earth is filled!”
Such statements continue through to the present. But throughout the
1980s, Presbyterians also were taking strong stands on many immigration issues
which would have, or have, led to increased U.S. population.
Some statements recognized competing issues, although none addressed
the population/environment implications. The 1986 General Assembly, for
example, recognized “the responsibility of governments, including ours, to
regulate immigration into their territories.” It also noted that governments
would need to balance humanitarian concerns for potential immigrants with “the
social and economic needs of its people.”
During the last decade, Presbyterian leaders have taken the following
actions which entail population growth as an effect:
▪ Favored
increases in overall annual immigration to speed up “reunification of separated
families.”
▪ Opposed
eliminating immigration preferences for brothers, sisters and adult children of
earlier immigrants.
▪ Opposed
an immigration ceiling that would include immediate relatives of U.S.
residents.
▪ Actively
campaigned to grant asylum to millions of people who illegally entered the
country before 1982.
▪ Complained
that illegal aliens who arrived during the rest of the ‘80s have not also been
granted asylum.
▪ Advocated
laws to allow for greater immigration from Mexico “whose people have special
claims on U.S. society.”
▪ Supported
legislation suspending deportation of Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Haitians and
Guatemalans who entered the country illegally and were deemed ineligible for
asylum.
▪ Expressed
distress that asylum was not given to more Salvadorans, Afghans and Haitians.
▪ Protested
interdiction of Haitian migrants at sea.
▪ Opposed
efforts to deport Ethiopians.
▪ Called
for expedited resettlement of 250,000 remaining refugees in Southeast Asian
camps.
▪ Urged
temporary or permanent resettlement of 1.5 million
refugees in the Horn of Africa.
▪ Affirmed
that the “best and most durable solution for most refugees remains voluntary
repatriation when conditions permit safe return,” but recognized “that
resettlement often remains the only available solution adequate for the safety
and survival of refugees.” Urged congregations to “continue and increase
refugee resettlement efforts.”
▪ Opposed
federal policies that placed more of the cost of refugee resettlement on the
churches which are doing the settling.
▪ Opposed
any policy that would guide where refugees are resettled.
▪ Opposed
any increases in immigration fees to cover the cost of enforcement or monitoring.
▪ Affirmed
efforts to provide assistance to illegal aliens and to help foreign citizens
cross U.S. borders illegally.
▪ Opposed
sanctions against employers who hire illegal aliens.
▪ Expressed
concern about worker identification cards that would help employers turn away
illegal aliens without discriminating against legal residents who look or sound
foreign.
▪ Sought
to increase access for Mexicans to jobs in the United States.
The Presbyterian experience was repeated in various ways in other
liberal Protestant denominations in which immigration has become the latest
extension of the civil rights crusade waged so successfully by churches for
three decades. Environmental consequences of immigration have had little
opportunity to emerge in that milieu.
The United Methodist Board of Church and Society provides an
illustration of that. It once devoted an entire department to population
issues. The denomination long has been on record calling “on the United States
government to develop a national population policy that would include the goal
of stabilizing the United States population, and recommendations on population
distribution and land and resource use.”
The Washington advocacy office still distributes booklets that quote
church policies:
▪ “Christians
have no alternative to involvement in seeking solutions for the great and
complex set of problems which faces the world today. All these issues are
closely interrelated: hunger, poverty, denial of human rights, economic
exploitation and over consumption by the rich, technologies that are inadequate
or inappropriate, depletion of resources, and rapid population growth.”
▪ “Rapidly
swelling numbers of humankind are making it increasingly difficult to solve the
other interconnected problems ... clearly we do know there can be too many
people.”
▪ “...nations
must be free to develop policies in keeping with their own needs and cultures.”
▪ “The
church should exert leadership in making possible the safe and legal
availability of sterilization procedures for both men and women, and of
abortion where appropriate.”
▪ “...churches
need to keep before people the moral reasons why we need to be concerned with
the population problem.”
Apparently the church has not kept those reasons all that visible, even
before its leaders. The United Methodists no longer have a population
department or specialist. Jaydee Hanson, executive of the environmental justice
department, said United Methodist advocacy has continued calling strongly for
sustainable development, primarily through reduced consumption by Americans and
stressing the need for economic equity and justice to bring down fertility
rates.
“Don’t get me wrong, population is still an important factor in the
United States,” Hanson said. “But I have to be honest that it isn’t where this
department puts its main effort. Immigration is the main cause of U.S.
population growth. I don’t think we’ve ever made statements on the numbers of
immigrants... We’ve been criticized by some of the people from the population
groups of 20 years ago for not working enough on population... If you want U.S.
population not to increase, you have to get serious about development in Mexico
and Central America.”
Immigration stances of liberal Protestant denominations are driven not
by their environmental experts and committees but primarily by their
substantial refugee/immigration agencies.
IMMIGRATION
IS MORAL PRIORITY OVER ENVIRONMENT
The survey found no example of any denomination wrestling with the
contradictions of its stated top-priority support for improving the environment
and for continued mass
immigration and high U.S. population growth. But there currently is no question
that the de facto if not intentional -- policy of the activist faith groups is
to give priority to immigration any time it collides with environmental values.
Why? This article, and this issue of The Social Contract, represent an
initial step in exploring U.S. religious thought and behavior on these issues.
One can only guess how much change would occur if these contradictions began to
be considered seriously by theologians, ethicists and other religious leaders.
At this time, however, the following appear to be the
primary reasons America’s religious leaders are unwilling to protect
the environment by confronting U.S. population growth:
(1)
Matthew 25: 31-56. The Parable of
the Last Judgment.
Spoken just before his trial and crucifixion, Jesus described a time in
which the Son of Man would gather “all nations” before him and separate “the
people” into the blessed and the damned. To those on his left, he will say,
“Depart from me, you who are cursed, into the eternal fire prepared for the
devil and his angels. For I was hungry and you gave me nothing to eat, I was
thirsty and you gave me nothing to drink, I was a stranger and you did not invite
me in, I needed clothes and you did not clothe me, I was sick and in prison and
you did not look after me.” The damned will ask when they ever had seen the
Lord in those conditions, and the answer will be, “Whatever you did not do for
one of the least of these, you did not do for me.”
This is one of the bedrock scriptural bases for Christian living.
Interestingly, the more liberal the Christian denomination, the more likely it
is that officials will interpret this scripture in a literal and fundamentalist
way. The great fear, as propounded in their teachings, is that any “stranger”
prohibited from crossing U.S. borders for permanent residency may in effect be
Jesus. The literal interpretation would be that in turning away the stranger at
the gate, Americans risk eternal damnation (see page 104 for how the scripture
is used in Australia).
The United Methodist Council of Bishops pledged: “God comes in the form
of the sojourner... we invite all those whose hearts are as ours to join hands
with us in declaring our uncompromising intention to welcome the sojourners in
our midst.”
(2)
Leviticus 19: 33-34. The “do not mistreat the alien,
for you were once an alien” code.
Religious immigration advocates often marvel that in the midst of the
narrow legalisms of the Levitical Code for the ancient Israelites, there is
this call for universalism: “When an alien lives with you in your land, do not
mistreat him. The alien living with you must be treated as one of your
native-born. Love him as yourself, for you were aliens in Egypt. I am the Lord
your God.”
This law, which is attributed to God as spoken to Moses, is not
explicit on whether the alien is to be treated as a native-born for the rest of
his life or simply in some kind of temporary protected status, but immigration
advocates tend to interpret it as requiring granting to strangers at the gate
permanent residency in the United States with all rights of citizenship.
There is little evidence of attempts within the Jewish and Christian
communities to reconcile these types of verses with other scriptural teachings
that relate to preserving the creation, protecting health, and treating natural
resources as a loan that can be passed down to future generations.
“The pro-population-stabilization
churches...are among the loudest voices for high immigration which causes
nearly all U.S. population growth.”
(3)
Anti-abortion theology.
Although most liberal Protestant and Jewish leaders endorse full legal
rights and availability of abortion, leaders of the majority of religious Americans
strongly oppose abortion. They tend to see efforts to control population growth
as necessarily including abortion. Thus, they either oppose population
stabilization or stay out of the debate.
The pro-life theology that dismisses various “practical” arguments for
abortion, such as the inability of a mother or of society to properly provide
for a child, commonly refers to the power of God to care for all human life no
matter what the practical difficulties are. There is a tendency on population
matters for the more conservative people of faith to use the same reasoning to
suggest that the limits of population size should be left to God, not humans.
That adds another reason for them not to bother with the population issue,
despite its impact on the environment.
A major irony is that some of the religious groups that are neutral or
even oppose trying to stabilize the population in actuality are more helpful to
U.S. population stabilization than are those denominations that favor
stabilization. The anti-population-control churches don’t lobby for high
immigration, and some discourage foreign members from immigrating. The
pro-population-stabilization churches, on the other hand, are among the loudest
voices for the high immigration which causes nearly all U.S. population growth.
(4)
White-affluent-American guilt.
Most denominational offices with leaders speaking out on
population/immigration issues ascribe to a worldview in which the United
States, through irresponsible military and economic actions, is to blame for a
lot of the suffering in the world. Thus, it is unconscionable for the creator
of misery to block victims from seeking better lives by moving to live in the
eco-systems of the United States. Some religious leaders with this view
acknowledge that the country would be better off without massive immigration,
but suggest the numbers should not be cut artificially. They are willing to
wait until U.S. efforts to help underdeveloped nations succeed in raising
living conditions high enough there to shut off the desire for people to move
to the United States.
The acceptance of historically unprecedented numbers of immigrants is
considered by many to be a form of foreign aid that fulfills some of the
country’s moral debt to the rest of the world.
Within this worldview and theology is the belief of many religious
environmentalists that it is selfish for Americans to place a priority on
preserving the natural world within their own borders until environmental and
economic conditions are brought closer to parity in the rest of the world. The
environment is a priority goal as long as the means toward that end involve
changes in Americans’ resource-sinful lifestyles, and in a reduction in their
fertility. Under this strain of thinking, it is not right to deny millions of
poor aliens entry even if their presence leads to accelerated loss of
bio-diversity and permanent damage to natural wonders.
When the population implications of massive immigration are raised,
many liberal Protestant leaders suggest the remedy is for Americans to reduce
their births by one more for each immigrant allowed entry. This also fits well
within a multiculturalism philosophy that values increasing the numbers of
ethnic minorities within the United States to give them more political control
and to dilute the European-descendent hegemony that has produced so many
immoral international actions and the American patterns of over consumption.
(5)
Globalism
“As Christians, we recognize that the boundaries of God’s kingdom are
not the same as the boundaries of nations,” the Presbyterian Church has stated.
“Citizenship in this kingdom, which comes through faith in Jesus Christ, is
based on a radically different standard than the nations of the world. In God’s
kingdom, national borders have no ultimacy.”
Those lines were directed particularly at the responsibility of U.S.
Christians to help people in other lands generously, but also to question U.S.
laws limiting Mexican migration.
U.S. Catholic bishops have stated: “The right to migrate for work
cannot be simply ignored in the exercise of a nation’s sovereign right to
control its own borders. In this regard, Catholic social teaching sets a higher
ethical standard for guarding the rights of the undocumented within our borders
than does current U.S. law and policy.”
(6)
Ignorance/naivete.
It is difficult to judge the intention or depth of conviction behind
most U.S. religious leaders’ population beliefs because there does not appear
to have been much careful and strenuous consideration of the issues. When
questioned about population during this survey, religious leaders not heavily
involved with environmental issues were surprised, citing Ben Wattenberg’s
late-1980s fears that the United States might soon suffer a declining
population. And many of the religious environmentalists appeared to be unaware
of the work of the Sierra Club and others concerning the limits of pollution
improvements that can be gained through non-draconian lifestyle changes, and of
the additional per capita cuts that will be required if U.S. population
doubles. In fact, the concept of doubling-times and other mathematical factors
seems scarcely to have been considered. Religious leaders do not appear to have
given a thought to how the environmental quality of life will be changed for their
children in 2050 as a result of current conditions that will have almost
doubled the U.S. population from the 203 million that Earth Day 1970 leaders
considered already too high.
“More than two-thirds of
Christians [polled by Gallup] objected to present mass immigration. Less than 5
percent of Christians supported the expansion of immigration...”
LEADERSHIP
AND LAITY DIFFER
Religious leaders apparently have yet to convince their grassroots
members that environmental quality has a lower priority than mass immigration.
The majority of religious Americans appear to put a priority on caring for the
environment and restricting immigration despite the lack of a single national
religious group taking that stance.
One strong indication of this is that a long series of opinion polls
has found some two-thirds of Americans supporting immigration reductions.
Because more than two-thirds of Americans are affiliated with religious bodies,
the likelihood is that the majority of church, synagogue and mosque members favor
more immigration restrictions instead of the neutrality or active immigration
promotion of their religious leaders.
A Gallup poll taken in February, 1992 helped confirm that likelihood.
It did not have a large enough sample of Jews, Muslims or individual Protestant
denominations to judge opinions reliably within each of those groups. But the
sampling of all Christians and people who said they had no religion was
statistically reliable. What Gallup found was that Christians were far more
likely than non-religious Americans to oppose current mass immigration.
Furthermore, Gallup found no statistical difference between Catholics
and Protestants, even though immigration for a century has consisted primarily
of Catholics. More than two-thirds of Christians objected to present mass
immigration. Less than 5 percent
of Christians supported the expansion of immigration that would be the result
of policies advocated by many liberal Protestant and Catholic groups.
One question commonly raised about polls is whether Americans would
answer the same way if the issue were framed more in moral terms. This
journalist participated in just such an experiment in 1983. The United Methodist Reporter, with a
half-million subscribers nationwide, devoted 114 column inches to the competing
issues. Articles were evenly divided between moral arguments made by proponents
for generosity to the “stranger” in the immigration lines, and for stabilizing
the U.S. population to protect the environment and low-wage Americans. Included
was a list of questions that asked the reader to make the tough choices of
balancing two conflicting “good” options, the kind of practical exercise that
governments go through all the time.
Readers were asked: “Recognizing that a good case can be made for both basic
positions on U.S. immigration policy, which do you believe should receive
first-priority support among Christians?”
Only 18 percent of the responding United Methodists gave priority to
“generous immigration,” the priority of their top national leaders then and
today. But 78 percent gave priority to “strict
limits on immigration in order to stabilize U.S. population growth.” An opinion
pollster at Southern Methodist University judged the results significant in
predicting the majority will of the 9 million United Methodists.
National church leaders appeared out of step even with the overall
clergy, 59 percent of whom supported population stabilization over immigration
when the two conflict. That choice garnered 78 percent of laywomen and 84
percent of laymen. Every age group of the laity gave priority to
population/environment over immigration.
On another question, United Methodists by 73 percent to 17 percent gave
first priority to the welfare of persons already in the United States over
immigrants fleeing their homelands in search of a new life or reunion with
family members.
William E. Gibson, senior editor of The
Egg: An Eco-Justice Quarterly, noted that when a major environmental
position paper was presented to the national Presbyterian governing body in
1990, the grassroots representatives insisted on moving population references
to near the top.
“I think that was a clue to the fact that within the laity, they are
very concerned about population,” he said.
All these survey results raise a question about whether the opinions
and actions of religious leaders make any difference, since they so obviously
have not swayed the majority of followers. But Jim Dorcy, senior government
relations associate of the Federation for American Immigration Reform, says religious
leaders wield great influence because immigration/population/environment
decisions are made by elected officials, not popular vote. Every time choices
have to be made, he says, religious leaders speak forcefully in Washington to
provide the moral undergirding for decisions that increase immigration and U.S.
population growth. Because of religious leaders’ efforts, prioritizing high
immigration over environmental concerns typically is seen as the moral high
ground in the nation’s capital, he said.
IT’S
TIME TO DETAIL MORAL OPTIONS
It remains to be seen whether the moral high ground established by the
activist Catholics, mainline Protestants, peace churches and Jews is mere moral
symbolism or a guide that actually can bring about a moral reality. The religious
leaders simply have not laid out in detail what Americans must do both to
protect ecosystems and to keep the doors widely open for mass immigration.
They will move the moral debate along considerably by sharing their
answers to these among other questions:
In general, these religious activists have indicated their preference
that Americans reduce their material lifestyles and their fertility to make
room for immigrants. By how much? And what are all the ways?
What are the calculations that determine how much Americans will have
to give up to meet the religious leaders’ various goals?
How much do Americans need to reduce their fertility below replacement
level to meet those goals?
What incentives and disincentives should be used to persuade Americans
to make those fertility changes, especially when recent fertility trends are
upward? (Most denominations and faith groups have spoken against even mild
forms of coercion such as tax incentives.)
Will the denominations ask Americans to make fertility decisions that
they do not now teach their own church members to do? (The Social Contract has yet to find a
religious group with a program to teach its members to limit families to two
children, let alone one that advocates a larger percentage of one-child families
to make room for immigrants.)
What are the social and psychological implications for Americans of the
impact of 383 million people on their access to parks and open spaces and
additional restrictions on individual freedom that tend to be inevitable to
protect domestic tranquility in more congested civilizations?
The environment/immigration debate would move to a much higher
intellectual plain if the options were laid out as are the competing honest
proposals to cut the federal budget deficit. The proposals for this have called
on all parties to use the same economic assumptions and the same bottom line
deficit figure and then show the combination of spending cuts and tax increases
that would achieve that bottom line.
In this environmental debate, the bottom line should be an agreed upon
target such as the total annual U.S. hydrocarbon emissions, energy consumption
and water use. Then each proponent should list the annual fertility rate,
immigration level and specific per capita consumption reductions that would
reach those bottom lines.
Advocates of each combination of factors could make their case for the
superior morality of their own proposal. In the end (and better soon than
later), one option must be adopted by American society and the U.S. government
if eco-systems are to be protected.
If the factors of immigration, fertility and consumption are allowed to
continue to independently float without any accountability to their ecological
impact, pronouncements about the spiritual mandate to protect and restore the
natural environment are little more than moral posturing.
From:
The Social Contract
Winter 1992-93
page 76
Catholicism Needs Immigration
Immigration “is the growing edge of Catholicism in the United States”
much as it was in the 19th century, according to a priest who oversees the U.S.
Catholic Conference’s work with migrants and refugees. The influx of 10 million
immigrants since 1980 is “the key to our future and the key to why the church
is going to be very healthy in the 21st century,” said Jesuit Father Richard
Ryscavage, executive director of Migration and Refugee Services (MRS). He made
comments in an October 12 interview with The
Catholic Standard and Times, newspaper of the Archdiocese of
Philadelphia. He was in Philadelphia to attend the national convention of
Catholic Charities, USA. The 19th-century wave of immigrants changed “the
entire face of the Church,” he said. Most immigrants in the current wave are
Catholic and many are resettled with the help of MRS, the largest resettlement
agency in the country. Of the 120,000 refugees taken in by the United States
last year, the Catholic Church resettled about 40 percent. It was thought that
the world’s refugee problems would lessen with the end of the Cold War but the
opposite has proved to be true, according to Ryscavage. Ongoing fighting,
particularly in Somalia and what was Yugoslavia, is making it difficult to try
to stem the flow of refugees at the source by improving living conditions, he
said.
-- From the National Catholic Register
November 8, 1992
Excerpts
from the Joint Appeal In Religion and Science
June
3, 1991
“We believe a consensus now exists, at the highest level of leadership
across a significant spectrum of religious traditions, that the cause of
environmental integrity and justice must occupy a position of utmost priority
for people of faith.”
“. ..we declare here and now that steps must be taken toward.
..measures to protect continued biological diversity; and concerted efforts to
slow the dramatic and dangerous growth in world population through empowering
both women and men, encouraging economic self-sufficiency, and making family
planning services available to all who may consider them on a strictly
voluntary basis.”
“No effort, however heroic, to deal with these global conditions and
the interrelated issues of social justice can succeed unless we address the
increasing population of the Earth...”
From “Statement of Religious Leaders
at the Summit on Environment,” signed by 24 people, notably including Father
Drew Christiansen of the U.S. Catholic Conference, the national social issues
organization totally controlled by the U.S. Catholic Bishops. Other signers
included the Rev. Robert Schuller of the Crystal Cathedral, Chief Oren Lyons of
the Turtle Clan of the Onondaga Nation, and leaders of the Rabbinical Council
of America, the evangelical World Vision USA, and of the American Baptist,
United Methodist, Greek Orthodox, Episcopal, Evangelical Lutheran, and National
Baptist denominations.
Environment/Population
Stances of U.S. Religious Leadership
CHURCH
GROUPS
|
ROMAN
CATHOLIC
|
BAPTIST,
EVANGELICAL PENTECOSTAL
|
LIBERAL
PROTESTANT
|
ISLAM
|
ORTHODOX
(EASTERN CHRISTIAN)
|
LATTER-DAY
SAINTS (MORMON)
|
JUDAISM
|
Members (Millions)
|
59
|
46
|
34
|
5
|
4.5
|
4.3
|
4
|
Structure Make-up
|
One Unified Church
|
Scores of Denominations
|
Two Dozen Faith Groups
|
Two or Three National
Groups
|
Two Dozen Denominations
|
One Unified Church
|
Three Major Branches
|
Major Constituent Groups
|
|
Baptist, Churches of
Christ, Nazarene...
|
Methodist, Lutheran,
Presbyterian, Episcopal...
|
|
Greek, Coptic, Ukrainian,
Russian, Serbian...
|
|
Orthodox, Conservative,
Reformed.
|
WORLD
POPULATION STABILIZATION
|
Favor Passively
|
No Stance
|
Favor Strongly
|
No Stance
|
Oppose Passively
|
Oppose Passively
|
Favor Strongly
|
QUALITY OF
ENVIRONMENT
|
Favor Strongly
|
Beginning to Favor
|
Favor Aggressively
|
Favor Passively
|
Favor Passively
|
Favor Passively
|
Favor Strongly
|
U.S.
POPULATION STABILIZATION
|
No Stance
|
No Stance, Inclined to
Oppose
|
Favor Passively
|
No Stance
|
Oppose Passively
|
Oppose Passively
|
Inclined to Oppose
|
ENCOURAGE
MIGRANTS TO STAY AT ORIGINS
|
Oppose
|
Inclined to Favor
|
Oppose
|
No Stance
|
No Stance
|
Favor
|
Oppose
|
RESTRICT
U.S. IMMIGRATION TO HISTORIC LEVELS (300,000)
|
Oppose Aggressively
|
Oppose Passively
|
Oppose Aggressively
|
No Stance
|
No Stance
|
No Stance
|
Oppose Aggressively
|
Excerpts
from the Joint Appeal In Religion and Science
May 12, 1992
“We.. .caIl upon our government to change national policy so that the
United States will begin to ease, not continue to increase, the burdens on our
biosphere and their effect on the planet’s people.”
“. ..it seems clear that addressing this problem now rather than later
makes economic as well as moral sense.”
“We believe the poor and vulnerable workers in our own land should not
be asked to bear disproportionate burdens.”
“We commit ourselves to work together for a United States that will
lead the world in.. .halting deforestation and slowing the decline in species
diversity...”
“We believe there is a need for concerted efforts to stabilize world
population by humane, responsible and voluntary means consistent with our
differing values.”
From “Declaration of the Mission to
Washington,” signed by 50 scientists and 50 religious leaders, the most notable
additions to the 1991 signers being representatives of the Southern Baptist,
Progressive Baptist, Unitarian-Universalist, United Church of Christ and
Presbyterian denominations, as well as several more high officials of Jewish
and Catholic institutions.